Found 495 article(s) in category 'Q3: Inequality?'

WHAT SHOULD WE DO ABOUT INEQUALITY?

Inequality has been rising both within and between countries in recent years. The posts collected here define the different dimensions of inequality and how they manifest, examine its causes, and discuss the extent to which we should be worried. In addition to diagnosing the problem, the posts offer policy options to address it.

Jeffry Frieden on Globalization, the Rise of Populism, and the Future of Democracy

Jeffry Frieden on Globalization, the Rise of Populism, and the Future of Democracy January 2020. GrowthPolicy’s Devjani Roy interview Jeffry Frieden, Chair of the Department of Government at Harvard and Stanfield Professor of International Peace, on globalization, the rise of populism, and the future of democracy. | Click here for more interviews like this one. […]

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The Changing Face of Economics

The Changing Face of Economics. Dani Rodrik, January 10, 2020, Opinion, “Economists necessarily lack evidence about alternative institutional arrangements that are distant from our current reality. The challenge is to remain true to empiricism without crowding out the imagination needed to envisage the inclusive and freedom-enhancing institutions of the future.Link

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Rising inequality is not balanced by intergenerational mobility

Rising inequality is not balanced by intergenerational mobility. Jason Beckfield, January 7, 2020, Opinion, “The United States currently exhibits more economic inequality than any peer nation, and surveys of US adults support the idea that inequality is acceptable if it is balanced by mobility. Many are untroubled if doctors make 10 or 20 times what janitors make, as long as janitors’ sons have opportunities to become doctors. In an era of rising income and wealth inequality in the United States since the 1970s, that balance of inequality and mobility grows in salience. Enter Song et al.’s paper, “Long-term decline in intergenerational mobility in the United States since the 1850s” (1), which uses linked household and population records on the occupations of generations of US-born white men, along with data from several representative surveys, to describe how social mobility in the United States has changed since before the Civil War and before industrialization transformed economic production. Comparing the occupations of sons to the occupations of their fathers, Song et al. (1) paint a troubling picture of rising intergenerational persistence in occupational status. One’s social class of origin—the class one is born into—has become “stickier” since 1850. That is, sons’ occupations are increasingly predictable from fathers’ occupations. The headline finding is that sons born after 1940—the Baby Boomers, Gen Xers, and Millennials of today—are significantly less likely to surpass their fathers in occupational attainment. Fewer janitors’ sons are becoming doctors today.Link

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Moving to density: Half a century of housing costs and wage premia from Queens to King Salmon

Moving to density: Half a century of housing costs and wage premia from Queens to King Salmon. Daniel Shoag, December 31, 2019, Paper, “Have workers stopped moving to the highest-density, highest-productivity places in the country because of a decline in the urban wage premium, or because the rent is too high? We analyze how important these two explanations are by studying them in one and the same empirical analysis. We find that non-college workers now effectively face a housing-inclusive urban wage penalty, while workers with college education continue to face a significant urban wage premium. We relate these findings to the share of native-born cross-state migrants across areas of different density levels, and stumble upon a puzzle: why aren’t more college workers moving to the city?Link

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The Dilemma of Gender Equality: How Labor Market Regulation Divides Women by Class

The Dilemma of Gender Equality: How Labor Market Regulation Divides Women by Class. Torben Iversen, 2019, Paper, “Women shoulder a heavier burden of family work than men in modern society, preventing them from matching male success in the external labor market. Limiting working hours is a plausible way to level the playing field by creating the possibility of less gendered roles for both sexes. But why then are heavily regulated European labor markets associated with a smaller share of women in top management positions compared with liberal market economies such as in the United States? We explain this puzzle with reference to the difficulty of ambitious women to signal their commitment to high-powered careers in regulated markets.Link

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Six Tax-Based Ways to Tackle US Inequality

Six Tax-Based Ways to Tackle US Inequality. Jeffery Frankel, December 17, 2019, Opinion, “Some of the leading candidates for the 2020 Democratic presidential nomination have proposed radical measures to reduce inequality, such as a wealth tax. But there are many other progressive tax policies that would be both easier to enforce and more likely to get a Democratic candidate elected.Link

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Tackling Inequality from the Middle

Tackling Inequality from the Middle. Dani Rodrik, December 10, 2019, Opinion, “The rise of populist movements and street protests from Chile to France has made inequality a high priority for politicians of all stripes in the world’s rich democracies. But a fundamental question has received relatively little attention: What type of inequality should policymakers tackle?Link

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Compensation, Austerity, and Populism

Compensation, Austerity, and Populism. Jeffry Frieden, December 6, 2019, Paper, “The existence of comprehensive social policies to compensate those who might be harmed by integration is widely seen as an important precondition for public support for economic and political integration in western Europe. However, many western European countries reduced spending on income maintenance after 1990. In countries hard hit by the sovereign debt crisis, there have also been significant cuts to social services. We evaluate the impact of levels of social spending on public support for populist parties. We also evaluate the impact of austerity measures on support for such parties. We examine a panel of 187 elections from 1990-2017 and analyze pooled cross-sectional data from eight waves of the European Social Survey. We find evidence that populist parties fare worse where countries spend more on social support, and where spending has not been reduced from historical levels. On the other hand, where countries spend less on income maintenance, and/or have decreased spending from earlier levels, populist vote shares are consistently higher, and the likelihood of supporting populist parties greater. This relationship holds when controlling for a range of individual and macroeconomic factors, including occupational and educational characteristics, unemployment, economic growth, and immigration rates. The growing strength of populist political parties is rooted in long-term economic and cultural changes, but appropriate social policies may moderate their appeal.Link

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